Collaboration with Colin Kaepernick on Abolition

In case you missed it, Colin Kaepernick recently invited a bunch of abolitionist activists to write essays for a collection that his publishing platform has released over the course of the last four weeks in collaboration with Medium. The essays are really really really good–the whole collection would be a great syllabus for a class or reading group. I was honored to be included.

Recent Events: Recordings to Watch!

Check out these three videos of recent panel events I was part of.

This panel at NYU’s Center for the Study of Gender and Sexuality was a truly interesting conversation. And there was accidental outfit coordination between panelists.

This event at San Francisco State was a showstopper, featuring so many brilliant thinkers talking about queer justice, colonialism, war, and pinkwashing.

I was honored to be the keynote trainer at Movement Law Lab’s final session in their Build Power, Fight Power online course, in which thousands of lawyers and law students participated over several months. In this talk, I provide a basic rundown of the limits of law and lawyers to social movements, and the potential for us to participate in ethical, transformative ways.

Finally, this event with the Yale Undergraduate Prison Project about queer and trans abolition politics is not to be missed!

Abolition 101 Video

I recently had the pleasure of doing an Abolition 101 workshop for 350 Seattle as part of their Racial Justice Is Climate Justice Learning Series. I wonder if this short workshop might be of use to other groups trying to introduce a discussion about abolition to their members. If you want to see the resource list 350 put together after, which includes some of the things I mentioned in the video and a link to my slides, look here.

Abolition-Focused Full-Class Group Project Assignment

I feel emboldened in the current political moment about teaching abolition. Abolition is always on my syllabi, but usually my students have never heard of it and resist a lot, so I have to strategize carefully how to introduce and build the ideas. This year is different! Our own City Council is getting ready to fire cops, our public school system has kicked out the cops, the police union was expelled from the largest labor group, and no matter how limited my students’ media silo, they must be aware of the work happening to defund cops and separate cops from many institutions. So I have created a full-class group project that I hope will give them a chance to deeply chew on these ideas and learn how grassroots work for abolition happens.

Here is the syllabus for the class this assignment is for.

Here is the assignment:

Group Project: Plan a Campaign to End SU Collaboration with SPD and Eliminate Campus Security

Learning Objectives:

  • Experience working in a group, paying attention to group dynamics, working to establish a group culture of collaboration, sharing work, meeting facilitation, interest in one another’s participation, generative disagreements, and consensus-building.
  • Understand what is required to build shared messaging, to develop coalitions, to plan attention-getting actions, and to apply pressure in order to win campaign goals.
  • Write effective, understandable campaign messaging in multiple forms (op-eds, memes, flyers, etc.).
  • Understand how police and prison abolition efforts are undertaken.
  • Understand how law and law enforcement systems are changed through grassroots organizing.

For the purposes of this assignment, the members of our class constitute a student activist organization on the Seattle U campus. Inspired by the global rebellion against racist policing in the summer of 2020, you all came together to work on breaking ties between SU and SPD, and getting rid of campus security. Now you are planning your campaign to do so. This document  and this toolkit will be useful resources.

Your group will meet weekly for an hour during the semester during our Monday class times (excluding the first Monday of the semester).

  • I will attend the first meeting to support you all in putting various structures in place for your meetings and answer any questions.
  • At each meeting, you will need two facilitators, a note taker, and a time-keeper. These roles must rotate between you as much as possible. It is helpful to create a schedule for these roles at the beginning of the project so people can anticipate their duties and be prepared.
  • 24 hours before each meeting, the facilitators must circulate a draft agenda for the meeting to all participants so that participants can give feedback, and ask for items to be added to the agenda. Facilitators assess requests, estimate times for each agenda item, decide what can wait until the following meeting if there are too many items on the agenda. Please cc me on these emails.
  • Agendas and notes should be kept in a shared folder, through Google Drive or another service. Please give me access to this folder.
  • Your meetings should always include a check-in about timelines and tasks so that you can speak directly to each other about progress in the work and share any feedback or concerns you have with each other and do any planning needed to ensure everything is moving along.
  • You should form teams to take on particular parts of the campaign development work. You can adjust those teams as you go—you may choose to meld or further split teams as the work requires. You can use some of your weekly whole-group meeting time to do small group meetings, but you also want to make sure to use the whole-group time to ensure that everyone knows what all the teams are doing and is making any decisions that require the whole group together. For example, the whole-group meetings might be a time to discuss drafts that have been circulated of written materials or graphics created by a team.

By the end of the project, the group should produce the items below. The due date for all of these deliverables is December 3. You will have 30 minutes to present them in class on that day in addition to turning in the finished products.

  • A 4-5 page persuasive research paper about SU’s relationship with SPD, and about SU’s campus police, supporting the campaign. This document should be written to an audience of students, faculty, staff and administrators at SU who you hope to win over to your aims, as well as the broader Seattle Community from whom you hope to garner support for the campaign. This document is where more detailed information and analysis that supports the campaign lives, since social media posts and other aspects of the website have shorter persuasive information.
  • A plan for building a coalition of other organizations and groups who would back your campaign and how you would work with that coalition to win. Who would you reach out to? Why? How would you talk to those you are reaching out to about joining the coalition? What timeline would you give yourselves for doing that? How many people from your group would it take?
  • A 1-2 minute video aimed at making the SU community aware of your campaign and convincing people to back your demands.
  • Plan for a social media campaign (including to raise awareness about your concerns and pressure the SU administration to concede to your demands).
  • A website for your campaign that includes your video, graphics from your social media campaign, your persuasive research paper, a FAQ about your campaign, and anything else you think would be beneficial. You might look at these campaigns’ websites to see examples: No New Women’s PrisonNo New Youth JailNo Cop AcademyShut Down the NWDC .
  • A plan for some kind of online or live direct action to pressure the SU administration to concede to your demands.

Along the way, the group should produce:

  • By September 10, a schedule for each of the different deliverables drafting and editing processes and a roster of the teams that will be working on each element. This is a living document that you can change and adjust as you go.
  • By September 13, a plan for how to do the research needed and the timeline for that research, how it will be shared with the group by those who do the research, and what follow up will occur to address unanswered or new questions that emerge. This plan must be shared with me.
  • By September 20, research being generated by the researchers should be available to those making the social media campaign and video, through presentations, discussions and/or public notes, so that those pieces of the work can be developed alongside the research paper. The written elements of this research should also be shared with me.
  • By September 27, a draft plan for building a coalition and working with that coalition to win your demands.
  • By October 11, a first draft of your group research paper to be circulated among you for comments. By October 26, a draft that incorporates those changes is due to me.
  • By November 1, an initial written proposal to the group regarding your direct action, to be discussed by the group in one or more whole-group meetings until you settle on a plan.
  • By October 18, a draft video script to be circulated to the group for comments/improvements. Please share this draft with me.
  • By October 18, a draft social media plan to be circulated to the group for comments/improvements.
  • By October 25, an “elevator pitch” script draft that you can all use to talk to potential coalition partners or anyone you’re introducing to the campaign to be circulated to the group for comments/improvements.

Each week that one of these drafts are due, you must post the draft by 10am on the Monday of that week, and I will attend the beginning of your whole group meeting that day at 1:30 to give you feedback.

Additionally, each of you will write two 300-word reflections over the course of the semester on how the campaign is going, with a focus on group dynamics and collaboration. These are due to me on September 14 and October 19. These reflections should consider questions such as:

  • How would I describe the group’s culture? Look at this chart to think about examples of qualities a group’s culture might have. What do I like about it and what would I like to see shift? Are there ways I could help it shift?
  • How am I participating in the group? Do I feel like I might be over- or under-participating? How do I feel when I participate? How do I feel after? How would I like to feel when I participate?
  • Are there people I wish I could hear more from in the group? How could I help them to participate more?
  • Are there any stuck roles emerging in the group that are making workload uneven, or making some people’s presence more dominant or more invisible?
  • What lessons am I learning about participating in groups?
  • How is group decision-making going? What principles from our readings about consensus decision-making do I see at play?
  • How is meeting facilitation going? What tips from our readings on meeting facilitation have been useful? What am I learning about facilitating meetings?

At the end of the semester, you will each provide a two-sentence (minimum) assessment for every other student in the group that includes the best qualities and contributions they brought to the group and areas for improvements and reflection.

Let’s Finally Get the Police Out of Pride

This op-ed appeared in TruthOut, June 28, 2020.

For decades, a battle has been raging in queer and trans communities about the relationship between our communities and the police. Pride celebrations mark the anniversary of the Stonewall Rebellion, in which queer and trans people fought back against the ongoing violence they faced at the hands of the police. That rebellion happened in the context of widespread anti-police politics of the 1960s and ‘70s, when uprisings against policing were raging across the country across movements against colonialism and racism. In the years after Stonewall, police forces reformed themselves in an attempt to restore their legitimacy, including by hiring cops of color and some gay cops, having cops march in Pride parades, and creating policies and propaganda aimed at portraying the police as protectors and saviors of women, children, LGBT people and other marginalized groups.

In many cities, especially in recent years, police departments marching in Pride parades have encountered protesters demanding that police be excluded from Pride. As the movement for Black Lives and against police violence grows, more police departments are simultaneously investing in messaging that they are “pro-gay,” and more and more queer and trans organizers are rejecting this messaging.

Hundreds of cities have adopted the police-initiated “Safe Place” campaign since it was invented in 2014 by Officer Jim Ritter at the East Precinct of the Seattle Police Department (SPD), the very precinct now abandoned by police in the face of recent anti-police protests. Ritter created the pro-SPD propaganda campaign four years after Seattle erupted in protests over the police killing of Native woodcarver John T. Williams, and three years after the Department of Justice launched an investigation of the SPD that found “the use of excessive force” and bias.

The Safe Place campaign encourages businesses to put a rainbow police shield sticker in their windows to let anyone fleeing anti-LGBT attacks know that if they come inside the business will call the cops for them. The Safe Place campaign takes a symbol from the queer and trans liberation movement, the rainbow flag, and puts it on a police badge to declare that the police are our protectors. Critics of the campaign rightly argue that police are leading perpetrators of violence against queer and trans people, not our protectors, and that the “Safe Place” campaign is about police PR, not about the well-being of queer and trans people. We would rather see businesses agree to not call the police as a way to make our communities safer.

A "Space Place" sticker is seen on the window of a business in Seattle, WA, on June 27, 2020.
A “Space Place” sticker is seen on the window of a business in Seattle, WA, on June 27, 2020.

This summer’s rebellion against police violence has brought the debate about whether police can be reformed, or whether they need to be dismantled, into the spotlight. It raises questions about whether we could reform the anti-Black racism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism and sexual violence out of the police. Decades of failed reform efforts make clear that the answer is no. The last 60 years have seen waves of uprisings against police racism and violence, and waves of reforms aimed at fixing the problems. These reforms have diversified police forces, required police “diversity” training, declared that police would not discriminate, placed limits on use of force, and more.Police are leading perpetrators of violence against queer and trans people, not our protectors.

Over the same decades, police budgets were expanding, police were getting more militarized equipment and training, and policing was infiltrating more parts of society with police presence pervading in spaces like schoolsparks and housing projects. The lesson is clear: Reforms that declare that police will stop harming hated groups fail. So many of the police forces that have committed recent high-profile killings (not to mention all the violence short of killing they have been perpetrating) already have the 8 Can’t Wait reform policies on their books, but their violence continues uninterrupted. All the police departments marching in Pride and handing out rainbow police shield stickers still have cops profiling, harassing, assaulting and arresting queer and trans people every day.

In the national debate about defunding police, people around the country are learning to differentiate between empty reforms that name a system as “fair” and real change that makes our communities safer and our lives more survivable. Pride is a good time to think critically about the legal systems that govern our increasingly less survivable lives (in the face of economic crisis, global pandemic and ongoing law enforcement violence), while they tell us we are increasingly equal.

This month, the Supreme Court ruled that discrimination against gay and trans people by employers is illegal under the 1964 Civil Rights Act. This ruling has been widely celebrated. Unfortunately, the excitement about what “legal equality” might mean in the lives of queer and trans people does not square with reality.

Being ostensibly protected by civil rights laws does not necessarily translate into increased well-being or decreased violence against hated groups. One needs only to look to the fact that discrimination based on race and sex has been illegal for over a half century. In the decades since people of color and women supposedly became equal under the law, material inequality — meaning actual harm to the survival and well-being of these supposedly protected people — actually worsened in many substantive ways. This period saw the drastic expansion of imprisonment and immigration enforcement in the U.S., targeted at people of color and marked by gender violencebrutal cuts to programs and benefits for low-income women and children, and an expanding racial and gender wealth gap. Discrimination in housing and jobs may have become illegal, but it is very difficult to prove in court, especially since most people do not have access to legal help, so almost no one gets redress.Queer and trans safety and liberation will not be delivered by courts or police departments. It will come from widespread collective action.

The United States’ shift from a legal system of explicit sexism and racist apartheid to one in which the state is cast as the supposed protector of women and people of color constituted what some scholars and activists call “preservation through transformation.” In the face of the global and domestic uprisings against colonialism and racism in the middle of the 20th century, the law changed just enough to make this system appear fair, while preserving the status quo of material inequality as much as possible.

The role of civil rights laws is not to actually change the harms faced by hated groups, it is to frame the very government whose policies and practices most endanger those groups as their protector. As we face a severe global financial crisis and as wealth inequality climbs to dizzying heights, we will continue to see poverty worsen for queer and trans people, especially those with disabilitiesthose of color and women, regardless of the Supreme Court’s declaration about protecting us from discrimination.

The Court’s other recent rulings, like the ruling green-lighting the Atlantic Coast Pipeline and the ruling saying that asylum seekers have no right to object in court before being deported, tell us more about what is to come for queer and trans people, and for all people. The fact that the same court can say we’re equal and then make decisions that endanger our lives should be no surprise at this point, since the NYPD paints rainbow flags on its police cars while continuing to terrorize queer and trans communities.

Police out of Pride
Design: Chris Vargas

This Pride season, we should see growing calls to get the police out of Pride celebrations and to get businesses to stop participating in Safe Place campaigns. This increasing rejection of surface reforms and demand for transformative change — including divestment from policing and militarism and investment in meeting human needs — should help us question celebratory declarations of equality coming from the Supreme Court decision. Queer and trans safety and liberation will not be delivered by courts or police departments. It will come from widespread collective action for what we actually need to live: housing, health care, child care, food, clean air and water, and transportation. We are past the point where putting a rainbow sticker or wrapping a rainbow flag around a cop car, a tank, a courthouse, or a brutally exploitative anti-worker economy can be mistaken for victory or liberation.